Europeans are as fascinated as the rest of the world by this year’s American presidential election. 1 Rather fewer are aware that this autumn the European Union will choose a president of its own. The job being created by the new Lisbon Treaty2 is that of the first permanent president of the European Council3，the body that brings together all 27 heads of EU governments. The president may well turn into the EU’s public face in dealing with, among others, his American counterpart.4 Unfortunately，the EU has a history of dreadful rows5 over top jobs. Remember Britain’s veto in 1994 of Jean-Luc Dehaene6 as president of the European Commission (the EU’s executive branch)，or the failed Franco-German attempt7 to squeeze a later Belgian prime minister, Guy Verhofstadt, into the job in 20048 Worst was the summit to launch the euro in May 1998, which degenerated into a 12-hour squabble over who should run the European Central Bank.9 It was settled by a dubious deal to split the eight-year term10 between a Dutchman, Wim Duisenberg11， and a Frenchman, Jean-Claude Trichet12. Such a record fills one with foreboding over the choice of the first EU president. And this is not the only top job in play. Under Lisbon, there will also be a quasi-foreign minister who will double up as the extemal-affairs commissioner.13 In 2009 there will be new presidents of the European Commission and of the European Parliament. The task of negotiating over these posts will fall to President Nicolas Sarkozy，since France holds the rotating EU presidency in the second half of 2008. 14 Circling around these plums15 has begun. There are delicacies of timing and consultation: the foreign minister will replace an existing commissioner, and the European Parliament, to be re¬elected in June 2009，will want a say in at least three of the jobs. Most of the choices will be made by majority vote and not, as in the past, by unanimity, ending the right of veto — though nobody would want to be picked over the objections of a big EU country. Speculation over candidates to be European Council president is rife16 even though the functions of the job remain fuzzy，as does its relationship to governments that still hold the rotating EU presidency. But that uncertainty may mean the role is determined by the personality of its first holder. Last year Mr. Sarkozy hinted that he would back Britain’s Tony Blair for the job. Since Mr. Blair pushed for the post’s creation in the first place, he might seem suitable. But like all front-runners, he has met opposition: because he joined America in Iraq，17 because he comes from a big EU country，because he is not pro-European enough，because Britain is not in the euro or the Schengen passport-free zone18. Hence a trickle of other names: Luxembourg’s Jean-Claude Juncker, Austria’s Wolfgang Schiissel, Denmark’s Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Ireland^ Bertie Ahem. Some are tarred by scandal (Mr. Ahem) ； others routinely deny any interest in the job (Mr. Fogh Rasmussen). 19 As in the Eurovision song contest20，neighbours often back each other: the Germans lean towards Mr. Schiissel, the Belgians like Mr. Juncker and Scandinavians favour Mr. Fogh Rasmussen. Because a majority of EU governments are from the centre-right (now including Italy’s)，the first president may be too. But if Jose Manuel Barroso21 of Portugal is reselected as president of the European Commission, which looks likely, a centre-left European Council president might be a good balance.22 As for the putative foreign minister，the incumbent，Javier Solana of Spain，could continue in the job, certainly for the first year or so. But he is not universally approved of, so other names are also in the frame.23 They include Carl Bildt of Sweden, Michel Bamier of France, Belgium’s Mr. Verhofstadt and even Joschka Fischer, a former German foreign minister.24In the past the choices might have been made by Mr. Sarkozy and Germany’s Angela Merkel, maybe in cahoots with Britain’s Gordon Brown. The views of this trio, especially Ms. Merkel, still matter. But the EU now has 27 members, including ten east European countries. That makes agreeing on one job, let alone four，harder. It may favour a conventional presidential pick: Mr. Juncker or, if he is cancelled out by Mr. Blair, Mr. Schiissel.Treading the world stage Yet this is not a time for the usual Brussels name game. The idea of a permanent president of the European Council was resisted by many smaller countries. But now it is being created, it would be ludicrous to fill it with a minor figure ； a Juncker or a Schiissel.25 To the outside world — India or China, say — the president will speak for Europe. If the EU wants to be a serious global actor, that points to a world figure. Unless Ms. Merkel steps forward, which is improbable，the only such person in the running is Mr. Blair.26 And there are two other arguments for him. First, he would disprove the notion that senior EU people must come from countries that join in all EU policies，including the euro，defence and justice and home affairs.27 This line was used to block Chris Patten as a commission president in 2004. But in an increasingly multispeed Europe，it would rule out nominees from more than half the EU countries. The EU president will not represent his government _ indeed, though Mr. Brown says he backs Mr. Blair, few believe he is wholly sincere. If the criterion is “Europeanness”，France, Italy and Germany should be disqualified as they are the worst offenders when it comes to breaching EU rules.28 Europe might end up being run only by Belgians and Luxembourgeois. Mr. Blair has a second advantage: he would remind the notoriously sceptical British that they are important players.29 This worked only up to a point with Roy Jenkins as commission president in the late 1970s. Three decades on, a British EU president would give pause to those who maintain that Britain never has any influence in Brussels. As one top Eurocrat sums it up, “the boldest choice for Europe would be the three Bs: Blair, Barroso and Bildt. ” If it works in classical music, why not for Europe?30